Modernising Elections: our Call for Evidence response

Labour for a New Democracy made the following submission to the Call for Evidence, held as part of the inquiry by the Housing, Communities and Local Government Committee into Modernising Elections.

Read the submission below - and submit your own views to the Committee by Tuesday 22 April.


Call for Evidence: Modernising Elections

Submission to the Housing, Communities and Local Government Committee by Labour for a New Democracy

Summary

1. The 2024 general election result was the most disproportionate in history, with Labour winning 63% of the seats with just 33.7% of the popular vote. Unprecedented voter fragmentation combined with a First Past the Post voting system means there is a historically high likelihood that the next general election will produce even more unrepresentative results - and political instability, extreme or divisive government with minimal public support, and further erosion of trust and democratic legitimacy. 

2. The Government should establish a National Commission on Electoral Reform to review the use of First Past the Post for general elections, consider whether other systems would better serve modern Britain, and propose a way forward.

Democratic engagement

What is the current state of electoral democracy in the UK today?

3. Electoral democracy in the UK faces a number of threats, some of which are addressed by the Government’s Representation of the People Bill. However, the Bill does nothing to address the threat to the fairness, stability and resilience of Britain’s democracy created by the combination of unprecedented political fragmentation with a First Past the Post voting system designed for just two parties.

4. Dark money in politics, administrative barriers to voting and malicious disinformation all corrode trust and exert undue influence. But it is only the combination of First Past the Post with an increasingly diverse electorate which risks making our elections truly unrepresentative, random, and chaotic.

5. In February 2026, fifty leading academics wrote an open letter to Ministers (see annex), warning that “the collision of a multi-party electorate with a voting system designed for just two parties is creating new risks for Britain” and that the distortions in First Past the Post may be “exaggerated to a degree never seen before in our democratic history”.

6. Since universal suffrage no previous Government has faced such warnings. There is a historic likelihood that the voting system reaches breaking point at the next general election if the present Government takes no action.

What else should be done to increase electoral engagement?

7. Studies have consistently found that proportional voting systems tend to have turnouts of around 5-8% higher compared to the same election under First Past the Post (Lijphart, 2012; Pilon, 2007; Norris, 2004; Blais and Carty, 1990).

8. The Prime Minister, Keir Starmer, has set out the reason for this in his own words, stating that: “We’ve got to address the fact that millions of people vote in safe seats and they feel their voice doesn’t count. That’s got to be addressed by electoral reform. We will never get full participation in our electoral system until we do that at every level” (LabourList, 2020). The Prime Minister understands that First Past the Post disincentivises voting by denying many ordinary people a fair say in our elections.

9. The Labour Party’s official policy on electoral reform, agreed unanimously in 2023 by Labour’s National Policy Forum, states that “the flaws in the current voting system are contributing to the distrust and alienation we see in politics.” (Labour Party, 2023). The Government understands that First Past the Post is having a corrosive effect on trust in politics.

10. Labour’s official policy continues: “...but there is no consensus for a new system. Any proposed change to our voting system must be carefully thought through – it cannot be dictated by political leaders or forced upon the country from the top down” (Labour Party, 2023). This is why there are mounting calls for a National Commission on Electoral Reform.

Modernisation of elections

What other changes to the UK’s body of electoral law would you like to see?

11. The Government should set up a National Commission on Electoral Reform to independently review the use of First Past the Post for general elections, foster a national conversation about how Parliament should be elected in modern Britain, and seek to build consensus on a way forward.

12. With input from a dozen leading academics, constitutional experts, and think tanks, the All-Party Parliamentary Group for Fair Elections - the largest APPG in this Parliament - has developed a Terms of Reference for a National Commission on Electoral Reform (APPG for Fair Elections; 2025).

13. A National Commission would seek input from voters as well as experts, and would start from first principles - asking what features voters expect from an electoral system in 21st century Britain, whether First Past the Post meets these criteria, and whether any alternative systems may be improvements. It should draw insights and experiences from the UK’s devolved bodies and other democracies.

14. A National Commission on Electoral Reform could complete its work and present Parliament with a set of carefully evidenced final recommendations within twelve months of launch. It would be for Government, Parliament and parties to decide whether to act on these recommendations or commit to implementing them in future manifestos.

About Labour for a New Democracy

15. Labour for a New Democracy campaigns for Labour to introduce a fair, proportional electoral reform for UK elections. We engage and coordinate across the Labour Party and movement, Parliament, civil society, trade unions, academia and media to make the case for democratic renewal, starting with a National Commission on Electoral Reform.

Annex: 

Open letter to Ministers: First Past the Post creating new risks for Britain (14 February 2026)

British politics is the most fragmented it has ever been. At the last general election, fewer people voted for Labour or the Conservatives than at any time in a hundred years. Since then this trend has accelerated, with these parties now struggling to reach a combined 40% in the polls while other parties surge. The UK appears to have entered an era of truly multi-party politics.

Were a general election to happen under these conditions, the distortional features of Britain’s First Past the Post voting system are likely to be amplified to an unprecedented extent. National results that appear random and arbitrary, MPs elected with weak local mandates, and parties forming majority governments with low levels of popular support are not new phenomena - but there is a real possibility they are now exaggerated to a degree never seen before in our democratic history.

Ministers say the Representation of the People Bill will make our democracy fit for the future, yet there are currently no provisions in the legislation, or elsewhere in the Government’s wider agenda, that make general elections of this description any less likely. The collision of a multi-party electorate with a voting system designed for just two parties is creating new risks for Britain. If the Government wishes - as it has said - to protect and enhance the integrity of British democracy, to guard against political instability, and to stem the ongoing loss of trust in politics, it would be wise to engage with these risks.

The undersigned include leading academics, former senior public officials, and experts in politics, law, and public policy from universities and institutions across the United Kingdom and internationally.

  • Professor Katharine Adeney, University of Nottingham

  • Dr Anwen Elias, Aberystwyth University

  • Professor Tim Bale, Queen Mary University of London

  • Lewis Baston, Author and Consultant

  • Professor Sarah Birch, King’s College London

  • Professor Andrew Blick, The Constitution Society

  • Professor Sir Vernon Bogdanor, King’s College London

  • Professor Robert Blackburn KC, King’s College London

  • Professor Rosie Campbell, King’s College London

  • Dr Fernando Casal Bertoa, University of Nottingham

  • Professor Pippa Catterall, University of Westminster

  • Professor Christopher Claassen, University of Glasgow

  • Dr Luke Cooper, London School of Economics

  • Professor Dario Castiglione, University of Exeter

  • Professor Patrick Diamond, Queen Mary University of London

  • Professor Patrick Dunleavy, London School of Economics

  • Professor Stephen Elstub, Newcastle University

  • Professor Alan Finlayson, University of East Anglia

  • Dr Chris Finlayson, Aberystwyth University

  • Professor Matthew Flinders, University of Sheffield

  • Professor Rob Ford, University of Manchester

  • Dr Adam Fusco, University of York

  • Professor Michael Gordon, University of Liverpool

  • Professor Chris Hanretty, Royal Holloway, University of London

  • Professor Oliver Heath, Royal Holloway, University of London

  • Professor David Howarth, University of Cambridge

  • Professor Maria Iacovou, University of Cambridge

  • Dr Toby S. James, University of East Anglia

  • Dr Elliot Johnson, Northumbria University

  • Dr Elizabeth Kahn, Durham University

  • Dr David Klemperer, University of Bath

  • Professor Dennis Leech, University of Warwick

  • Professor Arend Lijphart, University of California, San Diego

  • Professor Laura McAllister, Cardiff University

  • Professor Aileen McHarg, Durham University

  • Dr Sean McDaniel, University of Leeds

  • Professor James Mitchell, University of Edinburgh

  • Dr Alfred Moore, University of York

  • Professor Colin Murray, Newcastle University

  • Professor Anja Neundorf, University of Glasgow

  • Professor Pippa Norris, Harvard University

  • Dr Salomon Orellana, Michigan Center for Data and Analytics

  • Dr Aykut Öztürk, University of Glasgow

  • Professor Charles Pattie, University of Sheffield

  • Professor Dennis Pilon, York University, Toronto

  • Bob Posner, Former Chief Executive, UK Electoral Commission

  • Dr Eike Mark Rinke, University of Leeds

  • Dr Robert Saunders, Queen Mary University of London

  • Professor Martin Smith, University of York

  • Professor David Soskice, London School of Economics

  • Dr Sam Power, University of Bristol

  • Dr Alan Wager, Tony Blair Institute for Global Change

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